|
|
|
103 |
The substance of this section is repeated
below, 2:238 ff |
|
104 |
Cf. pp. 25 ff, above, and, for the
ThamQd, cf., for instance, J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen,
pp. 103 ff |
|
105 |
Cf. al-Mas'udi, Muruj adh-dhahab,
11, 187 f. Ibn Khaldun tells a similar story about al-Ma'mun and
Khalid b. Barmak in 'lbar, III, 197. Cf. also 2:242 f., below. |
|
106 |
Cf. also 2:242 and 3:278, below,
and al-Mas'udi,11, 154. According to Ibn Abi Hajalah at-Tilimsani,
Sukkardan as-sultan (Cairo, 1317/1899, in the margin of al-'Amili,
Mikhlah, and continued in the margin of p. 2 of the attached
Asrar al-balaghah, by the same 'Amili), p. 228, a legendary
inscription on the pyramids read as follows: "We built them in sixty
years. Let him who wishes, destroy them in six hundred years, for
destruction is easier than construction." |
|
107 |
The
reference is apparently to the Mosque of al-Walid, but to refer to it by
balat "nave" is unusual. "Palace" can hardly be meant here. Cf.
also 2:262 f., below. |
|
108 |
Cf. also
'Ibar, II,
23. Ibn al-Muqaffa'
represents the opinion of the "common people" in the beginning of his
Durrah al yatimah, in Rasa'il atbulagha' (Cairo, 1331/1913),
p. 55. |
|
109 |
Cf. ath-Tha'labi,
Qisas al-anbiya', in connection with the story of Moses and the
sending out of spies to explore Palestine. (At p. 223 of a modern,
undated Cairo text.) Cf. also B. Heller in EI, s.v. "Udj." |
|
110 |
Ibn
Khaldun appears to have corrected this statement later on. In C, "Amalekites"
is crossed out in the text and replaced, in the margin, by "Canaanites,"
whereas D has "Canaanite Amalekites." Cf. also below, 2:240. |
|
111 |
Cf. al-Mas`udi,
Muruj adh-dhahab, III, 376 f. |
|
112 |
Al-Mas`udi's
text reads: "complete as to (its) large (numerical) size." |
|
113 |
Cf. al-Bukhari,
Sahih, II, 349; Concordance, I,
212a, 11. 11 f. Cf.
also 2:240,
below.
The
argument against the larger bodies of the Thamud (although some
exception is made for the 'Ad of South Arabia) was derived by Ibn
Khaldun from al-Masudi, III, 84, 377. |
|
114 |
Cf. pp. 348
ff., above. |
|
115 |
Cf. (Pseudo-)Ibn Hisham,
Tijan, pp. 306-310. |
|
116 |
As to the
extent of South Arabian domination, cf., however, pp. 21
ff, and
296,
above. |
|
117 |
Cf.
p. 9
(n.
19),
above. |
|
118 |
Cf.
2:283,
below. |
|
119 |
None of
the following documents, down to p. 368, 1.
20,
are found
in C. C has a mark in the text indicating that something is to be
inserted there. Possibly inserted slips were lost from the MS. |
|
120 |
Jirab ad-dawlah
means
something like "public purse." It would seem to be the title of a book.
However, an artist and litterateur called Ahmad b. Muhammad is known to
have lived
ca. 900,
and to
have been known under the name of Jirab ad-dawlah. He wrote a book of
jokes and anecdotes entitled
Tarwih
al-arwah.
Cf. Ibn
an-Nadim,
Fihrist,
p. 153
of the
Flugel ed., p. 218
of the
edition, Cairo,
1348/1929--30.
The
work is also quoted by
Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah,
`Uyun al-anba', I, 181,
1.
22,
exactly
as Ibn Khaldun quotes it. There can be little doubt that this is the
work referred to here. Like Ibn Hamdun's
Tadhkirah,
it may
have contained a large selection of interesting topics. A MS appears to
be preserved in Paris, MS. Ar. 3527;
cf.
GAL,
Suppl.,1,
599.
It can be
expected to solve the problem. Ibn Khaldun certainly did not quote the
work directly, but the exact source on which he drew cannot be named.
The list
that follows is well known from a number of works. A comprehensive
study of it was made by A. von Kremer,
Kulturgeschichte des orients
(Vienna,
1875), 1,
263
ff; cf.,
in particular, I, 356-59.
Related
material may be found also in Ibn Hamdun,
Tadhkirah,
in the
Topkapusaray MS. Ahmet III,
2948, Vol. XII,
fols.
186
ff., as
part of Ch. XLIX, which
deals with history. The oldest and closest available parallel to Ibn
Khaldun's text is found in al-Jahshiyari,
Wuzara',
ed. H.
von Mzik (Bibliothek arabischer Historiker and Geographen, No. 1)
(Leipzig,
1926),
fols.
179a-182b.
Von Kremer
proved that the list does not date from the time of al-Ma'mun but
reflects a situation that existed ca.
785/86.
The
introductory remarks accompanying the list in al-Jahshiyari show that
although it was finally written down under al-Ma'mun or later, its
material goes back to the time of ar-Rashid or somewhat earlier.
The
variants found in al-Jahshiyari are noted here only so far as they
concern Ibn Khaldun's text. Additional data, as found in some places in
alJahshiyari, are, as a rule, not indicated. In general, the few
footnotes appended here are, of course, not meant to constitute a
commentary on the text.
Cf. also
R. Levy,
The
Sociology of Islam
(London,
1931-33),
I,
343-47,
and B.
Spuler,
Iran in
fruh-islamischer Zeit
(Wiesbaden, 1952),
pp. 467
ff.
|
|
121 |
Al-Jahshiyari:
80,780,000. |
|
122 |
Abwab
al-mal
means
"categories of income." Cf. A. Dietrich,
Arabische Papyri aus der Hamburger Staats- and Universitdtsbibliothek
(Abhandlungen
fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, No. 22,3)
(Leipzig,
1937), p.
55. |
|
123 |
Von
Kremer corrects the figure to 25,000,000. |
|
124 |
Al-Jahshiyari: 100. |
|
125 |
Al-Jahshiyari:
4,600,000. |
|
126 |
The MSS
have, indeed, the reading al-m-'-t-irh that de Slane read al-mu'attabah
and connected with a kind of silk called al-'attdbi. However,
Dozy, in Journal asiatique, XIV 6 (1869), 155 f., preferred
al-mu'ayyanah, which, appears in Bulaq and which means "variegated
by squares (lozenges), decorated with eye- or lozenge-shaped designs."
The fact that the text of al-Jahshiyari clearly has al-mu'ayyanah is
definitely in favor of the latter reading. |
|
127 |
A
discussion of the possible meaning of al fanidh, a preparation of
sugar cane, was undertaken by P. Schwarz, "Fanid and Verwandtes,"
in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, LXXIV
(1920), 238-46. Cf, also Ibn at-Ukhuwwa, Ma'alim Al-qurbah, p. 106. |
|
128 |
Al-Jahshiyari:
mann |
|
129 |
Instead of Nihawand, one must read with al-Jahshiyari, as von
Kremer already suggested, Dunbawand. |
|
130 |
Al-Jahshiyari:
600. |
|
131 |
The honey
item belongs to an entry dealing with Igfahin which follows but was
omitted by Ibn Khaldun. For ar-Rayy, al-Jahshiyari has: Pomegranates:
100,000 Peaches (khawkh): 1,000 pounds. |
|
132 |
Al-Jahshiyari:
mann. |
|
133 |
This is a
bad but very understandable misreading in our text. Instead of ma bayn, al-Jahshiyari has the correct mahay. The region
referred to is that of Mah-al-Bagrah and MA-al-Kufah, old Muslim
names for Nihawand and Dinawar. Cf. V. Minorsky in EI, s.v. "Nihawand,"
and M. Streck in EI, s.v. "Dinawar." |
|
134 |
The place
is doubtful. There is a Rayy an in the district of Kaskar -cf.
Ibn Khurradidhbih, Kitdb al-Masalik wa-l-mamalik, p. 12 (text),
p. 8 (tr.) - but the name here may possibly be identical with '-r-b-j-n
or the like, which appears as an
important city belonging to Masabadhan in Ibn Khurradidhbih, p. 244
(text), p.
185 (tr.).
There is also an ar-Radhdh near Masabadhan (cf. Yigft,
Mu jam al-buldan,
II,
775)
which,
however, is hardly meant here. |
|
135 |
Al-Jahshiyari "Shahrazfir
and environs:
24,000,000." |
|
136 |
Ibn Khaldun
possibly read al-Karkh, but Persian Karaj and Muqan are meant. |
|
137 |
Al-Jahshiyari has
no money item, only 100 slaves and some
other products. |
|
138 |
Al-Jahshiyari has "pieces," which goes better with
raqm
"variegated
cloth," apparently meant here. |
|
139 |
The reading
sur is
uncertain, but
mahi, in
itself meaning "fish," is certainly correct. M. J. de Goeje considered
shurmahi
the
correct reading. Cf.
Bibliotheca
Geographorum Arabicorum
(Leiden, 1879),
IV, 259
f. |
|
140 |
Ibn
Khaldun read something like turnuj,
which makes
one think of
turunj
"citrus fruit."
However, the correct reading, as de Slane suggested, is
tarikh,
or
tirrikh,
some kind of
salted fish. Cf. A. Mez,
Die Renaissance
des Islams, p.
410. |
|
141 |
Paris
has 420,000.
Al-Jahshiyari
gives the figure of 490,000
for both
Qinnasrin and the 'Awalim (northern Syrian border towns). He also adds
an entry concerning Emesa. |
|
142 |
According to al-Jahshiyari,
this amount came from all the districts of Syria together. |
|
143 |
Al-Jahshiyari:
870,000. |
|
144 |
D adds: "the
eighth (Spanish) Umayyad who was (the first to be) given the title of
caliph." |
|
145 |
D adds: "of
gold dinars." |
|
146 |
From here to p.
368, 1.
20, the
text is not found in Bulaq or A. It appears first on an inserted sheet
in B and then in the text of D.
The first story
appears in the texts of A and B in a shortened form: "Likewise, when
the army commander al-Afdal who controlled the 'Ubaydid(-Fatimids) in
Egypt was killed,
600,000,000 [!] dinars and 250
irdabbs
of
dirhams were found (in his possession), as well as a proportionate
amount of fabrics, household goods, precious stones for rings, and
pearls. This is mentioned by Ibn
Khallikan in his History."
Then the
story is repeated, as it appears above, on the inserted sheet.
In D we
find the same version as above, but at the end, after all the other
documents have been quoted (below, p.
368,1.20), we find
the abrupt insertion of another version of the same story, which reads:
"There was found (in the possession of) al-Afdal
600,000,000 [!] gold
dinars, 250
irdabbs
of
dirhams, 50,000
garments of brocade, 20,000
garments of silk, 30 animal
(loads) of boxes of 'Iraqi gold, a bejeweled golden inkstand weighing
(in value) 12,000
dinars, loo nails of gold, each weighing 100
dinars, 500
boxes with robes, and a very large number of horses, mules, camels,
slaves, gdmris
cows,
other cows (baqar),
sheep,
and different kinds of victuals."
These
later data are derived from Ibn Khallikan,
Wafaydt al-a'ydn,
tr. W. M.
de Slane (Paris,
1843-71),1, 612 ff. (He
was Abmad b. Mubammad, 608-681
[1211-1282]; cf.
GAL, I, 326
ff.;
Suppl.,
I, 561
f.) Apparently it was Ibn Khaldun, and not someone else, who later added
a slip containing a more accurate and complete quotation from Ibn
Khallikan, which was inserted in D in the wrong place. Ibn Khallikan,
incidentally, derived his information from the
Duwal al-munqati'ah,
the
historical work by 'All b. Zafir al-Azdi (GAL,
Suppl., I,
553 f.).
|
|
147 |
The title
of "army commander" actually belonged to al-Afdal's father. Al-Afdal
perished in 515
[1121]. |
|
147a |
Or,
possibly, "garments." |
|
148 |
This refers to well-known events that took place in the
years 1309-10. Ibn Taghribirdi, an-Nujum
az-zahirah
(Cairo,
1361/1942), IX,
17
f.,
20 ff.,
quotes several authors in this connection. The list closest to Ibn
Khaldun's is that by al-Birzali, 665-739
[1267-13391; cf. GAL, II,
36;
Suppl., II,
34 f. Cf.
also al-Kutubi, Fawat al-Wafayat,
I,
371
f. |
|
149 |
Al-yaqut al-bahraman
is
described as the best quality of
yaqut
(hyacinth, ruby) and as yellow rather than red.
Cf.
al-Biruni,
al-Jamahir fi ma'rifat
aljawahir
(Hyderabad,
1355/1936-37), pp. 34 ff. |
|
150 |
For the "Badakhshani hyacinths" mentioned here, cf.
al-Biruni,
pp. 81 ff. |
|
151 |
"Dirham" is the reading of the MSS and al-Birzali, against the
implausible "grain" of the Paris edition. The standard of weight in the
pearl trade was the mithqal.
A pearl
of the best quality, weighing one
mithqal,
cost
1,000 dinars in
'Abbasid times. Another quality brought half as much, and pearls of
ordinary quality weighing one mithqal
cost ten
dinars. Cf.
alBiruni, pp. 129 ff. Needless to say, the prices of
pearls varied greatly over the years |
|
152 |
Sic B. Cf. also p.
368,1. 20, below. D
reads bighal
"mules." |
|
153 |
MSS. B and D merely say ". . . in the handwriting of the
Minister of Finance of the (Merinid) Sultan Abu Sa'id." The name is found in the
Paris edition. Aba Sa'id reigned from 1310
to
1331, and Abu
l-Uasan from 1331
to
1351, not long
before Ibn Khaldun's arrival in Fez. |
|
154 |
In 1337. |
|
155 |
Ibn
Khaldun was born during the reign of Abu Bakr (1318-46). It is not quite
clear how he figured the succession of the various Hafaids, but he
probably followed local Tunisian tradition in calling him the ninth,
even if later on (2:17, below) he calls him the twelfth, and again
(2:222, below), the tenth. E. de Zambaur,
Manuel de genialogie et de chronologie
pour l'histoire de l'Islam
(Hannover,
1927), p. 74 f., lists him as the eleventh ruler, but it is obvious from
the rather turbulent Hafaid family relations that there could be
differences over who was to be counted a legitimate ruler. For the
numbering of the Hafaids, cf. also below, 2:72, 101, 116, and
222.
Muhammad
b. al-Hakim was Ibn Khaldun's father-in-law; cf. p. xIv, above.
|
|
156 |
Nakaba is
a
technical term for applying the
musadarah,
meaning
the removal of an official from office for the purpose of confiscating
his property. |
|
157 |
This happened in 798 [1395/96], and the amir Mahmud died in 799 [1397]. Cf.
Ibn Taghribirdi, an-Nujum
az-zahirah,
ed. W.
Popper, in University of
California Publications in Semitic Philology,
V
(1932-36), 568 f., 637. Ibn Taghribirdi speaks of about 1,400,000 dinars
and 1,000,000 dirhams.
Part of the money was deposited with Ibn Khaldun. Cf. W. J. Fischel in
Studi orientalistici in onore
di Giorgio Levi Delta rida
(Rome,
1956), I, 294. |
|
158 |
Issawi,
pp. 33 f. |
|
159 |
Lit., "your
gullet would be too narrow to pick up things that are possible." |
|
160 |
Muhammad
b. 'Abdallah, 703-779 [1304-1377]. Cf.
GAL,
II, 256;
Suppl., II,
365 f. It
would seem that Ibn Khaldun did not seek an opportunity to meet Ibn
Battittah in person. In the story as he tells it, two different episodes
were combined. In the Travels,
Ibn
Battulah speaks of celebrations and distribution of money in connection
with the ruler's return from a journey, but it is in connection with a
famine that he speaks of the gift of provisions to meet the population's
needs for six months. Cf. Les
Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah,
ed. & tr.
C. Defremery and B. R. Sanguinetti (2d ed.; Paris, 1874-79), III, 238
and 373. |
|
161 |
Muhammad Shah ruled from 1325 to 1351, and it was during
his reign that Ibn
Battutah was in Delhi. The earlier texts add: "He had contact with its
ruler at that time, and it 1 the
capital, wa-hiya
as in A
and B, whereas Bulaq has wa-huwa
"and he"]
was Firuzguh." This does not refer to Muhammad Shah's successor Firuz
Shah, but probably to the city which Firuz Shah built near Delhi, and
which was called, not Firuzguh, but Firuzabad. The statement is not
found in D. In C both names are found in the margin. |
|
162 |
For
yawm mashhud,
an
expression derived from Qur'an 11.103 (105), cf. above, p. 46 (n. 139),
and, for instance, Ibn al-Jawzi,
Muntazam, VII,
278, 1.
1. Cf. also p. 450, below. |
|
163 |
These, of course, were elephants. |
|
164 |
Cf.
p. 19, above. |
|
165 |
Cf. p. 9 (n. 21), above. |
|
166 |
Qur'an 20.114
(113). |
|
|